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Moreover, because the LID's leadership did not correspond to the expectations and the mood on the campuses, the SLID felt the need to dissociate itself from its parent organization.
Its political manifesto, known as the Port Huron Statementwas adopted at the organization's first convention in based on an earlier draft by staff member Tom Hayden. The Port Huron Statement criticized the political system of the United States for failing to achieve international peace and critiqued Cold War foreign policythe threat of nuclear warand the arms race.
In domestic matters, it criticized racial discriminationeconomic inequality, big businesses, trade unions and political parties.
In addition to its critique and analysis of the American system, the manifesto also suggested a series of reforms: Firstly, it was written with the same overall vision all along the document and reflected their view that all problems in every area were linked to each other and their willingness not to lead single-issue struggles but a broad struggle on all fronts at the same time.
Then, it expressed SDS's willingness to work with groups whatever may be their political inclination and announced their rejection of anti-communisma definitely new radical view contrasting with much of the American Left which had developed a policy of anti-communism.
Without being Marxist or pro-communism, they denounced anti-communism as being a social problem and an obstruction to democracy.
They also criticized the United States for its exaggerated paranoia and exclusive condemnation of the Soviet Union, and blamed this for being the reason for failing to achieve disarmament and to assure peace. The Port Huron Convention opened with a symbol of this break with the policy of the past years: Later in the meeting, Michael Harringtonan LID member, became agitated over the manifesto because he found the stand they took toward the Soviet Union and authoritarian regimes in general was insufficiently critical, and because, according to him, they deliberately wrote sections to pique the liberals.
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After lively debates between the two, the draft finally remained more or less unchanged. As a result, Haber and Hayden, at this time respectively the National secretary and the new President of the organization, were summoned to a hearing on the 6 July There, Hayden clashed with Michael Harrington as he later would with Irving Howe  over the perceived potential for totalitarianism among other things.
Harrington denounced the seating of the PYOC member, SDS's tolerance for communism and their lack of clarity in their condemnation of communist totalitarianism and authoritarianism, and he reproached SDS for providing only a mild critique of the Soviet Union and for blaming the cold war mostly on the United States.
Hayden then asked him to read the manifesto more carefully, especially the section on values. They wanted absolute clarity, for example, that the United States was blameless for the nuclear arms race In truth, they seemed threatened by the independence of the new wave of student activism The rift opened even further when, at the SDS National Convention, the clause excluding communists from membership was deleted from the SDS constitution.
By mutual agreement the relationship was severed October 4, Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. There were nine chapters with, at most, about members. The national office NO in New York City consisted of a few desks, some broken chairs, a couple of file cabinets and a few typewriters.
As a student group with a strong belief in decentralization and a distrust for most organizations, the SDS did not have a strong central bureaucracy. The three stalwarts at the office, Don McKelvey, Steve Max, and the National Secretary, Jim Monsonis, worked long hours for little pay to service the local chapters, and to help establish new ones.
Even during the Cuban Missile Crisis in October, little could be accomplished. By the end of the academic year, there were over delegates at the annual convention at Pine Hill, New Yorkfrom 32 different colleges and universities.
It was then decided to give more power to the chapters, who would then send delegates to the National Council NCwhich would meet quarterly to handle the ongoing activities. Also, in the spirit of participatory democracy, a consensus was reached to elect new officers each year.
Some continuity was preserved by retaining Paul Booth as Vice President. The search began for something to challenge the idealistic, budding activists.
The movement made it impolitic for white activists, such as those in SDS, to presume to lead protests for black civil rights. This "into the ghetto" move was a practical failure, but the fact that it existed at all drew many young idealists to SDS.
At the summer convention in there was a split between those who were campus-oriented, and the ERAP supporters.
Most of the old guard were ERAP supporters, but the campus activists were growing. Paul Potter was elected president, and by the end of summer there were ten ERAP programs in place, with about student volunteers. He and his assistant, Helen Garvey, mailed out the literature list, the newsletters and the news of chapter's activities to a growing membership list.
Kissinger also worked to smooth the relationship with the LID. This was never very large, and it was opposed by the mainstream SDSers, who were mostly opposed to such traditional, old-fashioned activity, and were looking for something new that "worked". The landslide victory of Lyndon B.
Johnson in the November presidential election played its part, as well, and PEP soon withered away.Archives and past articles from the Philadelphia Inquirer, Philadelphia Daily News, and ashio-midori.com Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was a student activist movement in the United States that was one of the main representations of the New ashio-midori.com organization developed and expanded rapidly in the mids before dissolving at its last convention in Michigan State University Example of an excellent personal Statement (Used with permission of applicant with minor editorial changes) I could feel the renewed power of the red-tail hawk pulsing through my leather gloves; it was as if.
As a follow-up to Tuesday’s post about the majority-minority public schools in Oslo, the following brief account reports the latest statistics on the cultural enrichment of schools in Austria.
Vienna is the most fully enriched location, and seems to be in roughly the same situation as Oslo. Many thanks to Hermes for the translation from ashio-midori.com Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was a student activist movement in the United States that was one of the main representations of the New ashio-midori.com organization developed and expanded rapidly in the mids before dissolving at its last convention in Asajj Ventress was a Dathomirian female who, at various points throughout her life, was a slave, a Jedi Padawan, an assassin of the Sith, a Nightsister and a bounty hunter.
In the final decades of the Galactic Republic's reign, Ventress was born into a clan of Force-sensitive Nightsister witches.